Author: zoilo pascual Date: To: fil-linux-doc Subject: tinagalog na gnu gpl
"Tausug" derives from tau meaning "man" and sug meaning "current," and translates into "people of the current." It refers to the majority Islamized group in the Sulu archipelago, their language, and culture. The Tausug, numbering around 502,918 (NCCP--PACT) in 1988 are predominant in the northern part of Sulu province, i.e., Jolo Island and the neighboring islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, and Lugus, and to a lesser extent in Siasi and Pangutaran (Arce 1963:3). The province of Sulu derives its name from "sulug" or "sug" which in Tausug means "ocean current," while Sulu's capital Jolo is the Spanish corruption of Sulu.
The Sulu archipelago, measuring 2699 sqkm, com-prise some 2600 islands and islets at the southernmost tip of the Philippines. These islands and islets are grouped into seven: Jolo, Tawi-Tawi, Samales, Tapul, Pangutaran, Sibutu, and Cagayan de Sulu. The climate is warm and humid throughout the year, and is conducive to various agricultural pursuits. Jolo, the capital and main island group, is mountainous and of volcanic origin. Standing 870 m above sea level, Mt Tumantangis is the highest mountain in the island group. Other mountains in Jolo are Mt Sinumaan, 830 m, Mt Daho, 705 m, and Mt Bagsak, 680 m (Orosa 1970:1-3; Haylaya 1980:7-8).
The Tausug speak bahasa sug, a Malayo-Polynesian language related to the Visayan variety spoken in Surigao, and write in a Malayo-Arabic script known as jawi or sulat sug. Other ethnolinguistic groups in Sulu include the Samal/Sama, the Yakan, the Badjao, and the Jama Mapun.
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The history of Sulu begins with Makdum, a Mus-lim missionary, who arrived in Sulu in 1380. He intro-duced the Islamic faith and settled in Sibutu until his death. The mosque at Tubig-Indangan which he built still stands, albeit in ruins. In 1390 Raja Baguinda land-ed at Buansa and extended the missionary work of Makdum. The Muslim Arabian scholar Abu Bakr ar-rived in 1450, married Baguinda's daughter, and after Baguinda's death, became sultan, thereby introducing the sultanate as a political system. Political districts were created in Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gitung, and Lu-uk, each -headed by a panglima or district leader. After Abu Bakr's death, the sultanate system had already become well established in Sulu. Before the coming of the Spaniards, the ethnic groups in Sulu-the Tausug, Samal, Yakan, and Badjao-were in varying degrees united under the Sulu sultanate, considered the most centralized -political system in the Philippines (Orosa 1970:20-21).
With the arrival of the Spaniards came successive expeditions to conquer the Muslim groups in the south. Called the "Moro Wars," these battles were waged intermittently from 1578 till 1898 between the Spanish colonial government and the Muslims of Mindanao. In 1578 an expedition sent by Gov Francisco de Sande and headed by Capt Rodriguez de Figueroa began the 300-year warfare between the Tausug and the Spanish authorities. In 1579 the Spanish government gave de Figueroa the sole right to colonize Mindanao. He was killed in an ambush, and his troops retreated to an anchorage near Zamboanga. In retaliation, the Muslims raided Visayan towns in Panay, Negros, and Cebu. These were repulsed by Spanish and Visayan forces (Angeles 1974:27-28; Saber 1976:13; Orosa 1970:21).
In the early 17th century, the largest alliance composed of the Maranao, Maguindanao, Tausug, other Muslim groups was formed by Sultan Kudarat or Cachil Corralat of Maguindanao, whose domain extended from the Davao Gulf to Dapitan on the Zamboanga peninsula. Several expeditions sent by the Spanish authorities suffered defeat. In 1635 Capt Juan de Chaves occupied Zamboanga and erected a fort. This led to the defeat of Kudarat's feared admiral, Datu Tagal, who had raided pueblos in the Visayas. In 1637, Gov Gen Hurtado de Corcuera personally led an expedition against Kudarat, and triumphed over his forces at Lamitan and Ilian. On 1 Jan 1638, de Corcuera with 80 vessels and 2000 soldiers, defeated the Tausug and occupied Jolo. A peace treaty was forged. The victory did not establish Spanish sovereignty over Sulu, as the Tausug abrogated the treaty as soon Spaniards left in 1646 (Miravite 1976:40; Angeles 1974:28; Saber 1975:23; Orosa 1970:22).
In 1737 Sultan Alimud Din I entered into a "perma-nent" peace treaty with Gov Gen F. Valdes y Tamon; and in 1746, befriended the Jesuits sent to Jolo by King Philip V. In 1748 he was forcibly removed by the forces of Bantilan, son of an earlier sultan. Alimud Din was charged as being "too friendly" with the Christians, whereupon he left for Manila in 1749. He was received well by Gov Gen Arrechderra and was baptized on 29 Apr 1750. He was humiliated in 1753, when after being reinstated as sultan, he was arrested on his way back to Sulu, under the orders of Gov Gen Zacarias. The Tausug retaliated by raiding northern coasts. In 1763 he was released by the British forces which had occupied Manila. He returned to Sulu as sultan, and in 1769, ordered the invasion of Manila Bay (Orosa 1970:22-25).
The Sulu sultanate declined after 1848 when the colonial authorities began the use of steamboats. Pira-cy was effectively halted, and in 1851, Gen Urbiztondo led an expedition that defeated the Tausug. But Sulu was only occupied and made into a protectorate in 1876 when Gov Gen Malcampo, using naval artillery, succeeded in destroying the kota (fort) of Jolo, and prevented the smuggle of ammunition to the besieged forces. A garrison was set up in Jolo commanded by Capt P. Cervera. Tausug attempts to recover the city were not successful. In 1893, amid succession con-troversies, Amirnul Kiram became Sultan Jamalul Kiram II, the title being officially recognized by the Spanish authorities. In 1899, after the defeat of Spain in the Spanish-American War, Col Luis Huerta, the last governor of Sulu, relinquished his garrison to the Americans (Orosa 1970:25-30).
During the Philippine-American War, the Amer-icans adopted a policy of noninterference in the Mus-lim areas, as spelled out in the Bates Agreement of 1899 signed by Brig Gen John Bates and Sultan Jamalul Kiram II of Jolo. The agreement was a mutual nonag-gression pact which obligated the Americans to recog-nize the authority of the sultan and other chiefs, who, in turn, agreed to fight piracy and crimes against non-Christians. However, the Muslims did not know that the Treaty of Paris, which had ceded the Philippine archipelago to the Americans, included their land as well. The idea that they were part of the Philippines had never occurred to them until then. Although the Bates Agreement had "pacified," to a certain extent, the Sulu sultanate, resistance continued. In 1901, panglima (district chief) Hassan and his followers fought the Americans, believing that acceptance of American sovereignty would affect his own authority (Che Man l990:46-47)
After the Philippine-American War, the Americans established direct rule over the newly formed "Moro province," which consisted of five districts-Zamboanga, Lanao, Cotabato, Davao, and Sulu. Political, social, and economic changes were introduced. These included the creation of provincial and district institutions; the introduction of the public school system and American-inspired judicial system the imposition of the cedula or head tax; the migration of Christians to Muslim lands encouraged by the colonial government; and the abolition of slavery. These and other factors contributed to Muslim resistance that took 10 years "to pacify" (Che Man 1990: 23, 47-48).
The Department of Mindanao and Sulu replaced the Moro province on 15 Dec 1913. A "policy of attraction" was introduced, ushering in reforms to encourage Muslim integration into Philippine society. In 1916, after the passage of the Jones Law, which transferred legislative power to a Philippine Senate and House of Representatives, polygyny was made illegal. Provisions were made, however, to allow Muslims time to comply with the new restrictions. "Proxy colonialism" was legalized by the Public Land Act of 1919, invalidating Muslim pusaka (inherited property) laws. The act also granted the state the right to confer land ownership. It was thought that the Muslims would "learn" from the "more advanced" Christianized Filipinos, and would integrate more easily into mainstream Philippine society (Che Man 1990: 20-24, 51-52; Isidro 1976:64-65).
In February 1920 the Philippine Senate and House of Representatives passed Act No 2878, which abolished the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and transferred its responsibilities to the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes under the Department of the Interior. Muslim dissatisfaction grew as power shifted to the Christianized Filipinos. Petitions were sent by Muslim leaders between 1921 and 1924 requesting that Mindanao and Sulu be administered directly by the United States. These petitions were not granted (Che Man 1990:52-53).
Realizing the futility of armed resistance, some Muslims sought to make the best of the situation. In 1934, Arolas Tulawi of Sulu, Datu Manandang Piang and Datu Blah Sinsuat of Cotabato, and Sultan Alaoya Alonto of Lanao were elected to the 1935 Constitutional Convention. In 1935 two Muslims were elected to the National Assembly.
The Commonwealth years sought to end the privileges the Muslims had been enjoying under the earlier American administration. Muslim exemptions from some national laws, as expressed in the administrative code for Mindanao, and the Muslim right to use their traditional Islamic courts, as expressed in the Moro Board, were ended. The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was replaced by the Office of Commissioner for Minda-nao and Sulu, whose main objective was to tap the full economic potentials of Mindanao not for the Muslims but the Commonwealth. These "development" efforts resulted in discontent (Che Man 1990:55-56).
The Muslims are generally adverse to anything that threatens Islam and their way of life. Che Man (1990: 56) believes that they were neither anti-American nor anti-Filipino, but simply against any form of foreign encroachment into their traditional way of life. During WWII, the Muslims in general supported the fight against the Japanese, who were less tolerant and harsher to them.
After independence, efforts to integrate the Musl-ims into the new political order met with stiff resistance. It was unlikely that the Muslims, who have had a cultural history as Muslims than the Filipinos as Christians, would surrender their identity. In 1951, Kamlun, a devout and wealthy native of Tandu Pa-nuan, took up arms against the government for a num-ber of reasons. For one, he was not on good with other local leaders, some of whom he killed. There were also problems with land titling which Kamlun refused to undertake since to him ownership of land is not evident by means of piece of paper. Fearing government -persecution, he went to the hills. In July 1952, the first negotiation for surrender was held between Alibon, Kamlun's brother, and Secretary of Defense Ramon Magsaysay. However, a week later, Kamlun resumed his fight, accusing the government of bad faith. "Operation Durian" was launched to capture him. He surrendered on 10 Nov 1952, but on 2 December, was granted
parole. In 1953 he went back to the hills until his surrender on 24 Sept 1955. On "death row," he was finally pardoned by Pres Marcos on 11 Sept 1968 (Che Man 1990:56-62; Tan 1977:114-417).
The conflict between Muslims and Christian Filipi-nos was exacerbated in 1965 with the "Jabidah Mas-sacre," in which Muslim soldiers were allegedly elim-inated because they refused to invade Sabah. This incident contributed to the rise of various separatist movements-the Muslim Independence Movement (MIM), Ansar El-Islam, and Union of Islamic Forces and Organizations (Che Man 1990:74-75).
In 1969 the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) was founded on the concept of a Bangsa Moro Republic by a group of educated young Muslims. The leader of this group, Nur Misuari, regarded the earlier movements as feudal and oppressive, and employed a Marxist framework to analyze the Muslim condition and the general Philippine situation. Except for a brief show of unity during the pre-Martial Law years, the new movement suffered internal disunity (Tan 1977:118-122; Che Man 1990:77-78).
In 1976, negotiations between the Philippine gov-ernment and the MNLF in Tripoli resulted in the Tri-poli Agreement, which provided for an autonomous region in Mindanao. Negotiations resumed in 1977, and the following points were agreed upon: the proclamation of a Presidential Decree creating autonomy in 13 provinces; the creation of a provisional government; and the holding of a referendum in the autonomous areas to determine the administration of the govern-ment. Nur Misuari was invited to chair the provisional government but he refused. The referendum was boycotted by the Muslims themselves. The talks col-lapsed, and fighting continued (Che Man 1990:146-147).
When Corazon C. Aquino became president, a new constitution, which provided for the creation of autonomous regions in Mindanao and the Cordilleras, was ratified. On 1 Aug 1989, Republic Act 673 or the Organic Act for Mindanao created the Autonomous Region of Mindanao, which encompasses Maguinda-nao, Lanao del Sur, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi.
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Religious Beliefs and Practices
The Tausug follow standard Islamic beliefs and practices. The Quran is considered by all Muslims as the words of Allah (God), revealed to the prophet Muhammad through archangel Gabriel, and as the source of all Islamic Law, principles and values. Aside from the Quran and the Sunnah and Haddith (literally, "a way, rule, or manner of acting"), other Islamic sources of law include Ijtihad (independent judgment) and Qiyas (analogy). The Five Pillars of Islam are dec-laration of beheb in the oneness of God and the prophethood of Muhammad and the four obligations of praying, almsgiving, fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in one's lifetime.
Classical Muslim Jurists divided the world into Dar-al-Islam (Land of Islam) or those territories where the Law of Islam prevails; Dar-al-Harb (Land of War) which includes those countries where Muslim Law is not in force; Dar-al-Ahd (Land of the Covenant) consi-dered as a temporary and often intermediate territory between Dar-al-Islam and Dar-al-Harb; and Dar-al-Sulk (House of Truce), territories not conquered by -Muslim troops, where peace is attained by the payment of tribute which guarantees a truce or armistice.
A concept often misunderstood is parang sabil or holy war, which later developed into "ritual suicide." The term derives from the Malay words perang meaning "war" and sabil, from the Arabic "fi sabil Allah meaning "in the path of God." It refers to a jihad (holy war) against those who threaten the sanctity of Islam. It is resorted to when all forms of organized resistance fail. Those who die in the struggle are pronounced shahid (martyrs) and automatically gain a place sulga (heaven). Failing to understand this religious dimension, the Spaniards and the Americans have reduced the concept into a psychological disorder, have referred to the shahid as juramentados and amock, respectively.
Indigenous beliefs persist. Aside from Allah or Tuhan, the Tausug are also concerned with spirits inhabit nature, especially rocks and trees, and who are believed to be the cause of human suffering. Among these are the saytan (evil spirits) and jinn (unseen creatures). Some saytan have names, like the balbalan (manananggal), a flying creature which enjoys the liver of corpses. The Christian devil finds its counterpart in iblis, who tempts people into evil. The Tausug also believe in the four composites of the human soul: the transcendental soul, the life-soul associated with the blood, the breath or life essence, and the spirit-soul who travels during dreams and who causes the -shadow. The Tausug concept of religious merit also differs from that of the orthodox Muslims. Unjustified killing transfers the merits of the offender to the victim, and the demerits of the victim to the offender. The terms sulga (heaven) and narka (hell) do not denote places but states-of-being, and are
interchangeable with the concepts of karayawan (state of goodness) and kasiksaan (state of suffering), respectively (Kiefer 1972a:112-114, 128-130).
Indigenous healing practices are assumed by the mangugubat (curer) who have direct access to the spirit world. They are not considered religious officials, as in the case of the agama (religious) priests, although their services are utilized when certain spirits need to be appeased. However, an illness that has been suc-cessfully diagnosed is not attributed to supernatural causes. Native medicine include raw squash mixed with coconut milk for meningitis, egg white applied topically on and for burns, lagundi leaves for malaria, and others. Traditional practices which were "medi-cal" in intent included the sacrifice of a hen near a balete tree. Incantations were said and a rooster was set free near the same tree. The object was to soothe the anger of the saytan believed to be the cause of the illness (Kiefer 1972a:114-115; Orosa 1970:106-107).
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Visual Arts and Crafts
Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts (Szanton 1963). In general, Tausug visual arts follow the Islamic prohibition of representing human or animal forms. Consequently, Mindanao and Sulu have developed ukkil or abstract motifs which are carved, printed, or painted into various media. These motifs are suggestive of leaves, vines, flowers, fruits, and various geometric shapes.
Tausug carving is best exemplified by the sunduk or grave marker. Although not as stylized as those of the Samal, the Tausug sunduk are wood or stone carv-ings of geometric or floral forms. Women's grave mark-ers are flatter with carved geometric designs, those of the men are more floral. Sakayan or outriggers present yet another media for Tausug carving. Adornments are usually made on the prow and sometimes on the sambili or strips across the hull. The carvings are done either on the boat itself, or on a separate piece of wood which is then attached to the vessel. Abstract manok-manok (bird) motifs are the most common. Ajong-ajong/sula-sula are carved tips supporting the wrapped sail; the hidjuk (dark cord) on the sangpad (prow-plate) also serve as decoration. Carved saam or cross--pieces supporting the outriggers are called the mata (eyes) of the boat. Colors used on the finished carvings are yellow, red, green, white, and blue (Szanton 1973:33-47).
Tausug mananasal or blacksmiths produce bolo, kalis, and barong (bladed weapons). Fishing implem-ents are also made, such as the sangkil (single-po-inted spear) and the sapang (three-pronged spear). The more expensively fashioned blades have floral and geometric incisions; the ganja or metal strips which lock the handle and the blade are a decorative as well a functional device. Bronze casting is not as well developed as it is in Lanao. Among the several func-tional pieces produced were the batunjang (standing trays) and the talam (flat trays). Gold and silver-smithing for jewelry remain lucrative. Items produced by the local goldsmith include the singsing (ring), gallang (bracelet), gantung liug (necklace), bang (stud earring), aritis (dangling earring), pin (brooch), and gold teeth. In the past, tambuku (buttons) made of gold or silver decorated the traditional male and female costumes and were made with exquisite de-signs, often inlaid with palmata (semiprecious stones or gems).
Among the favorite palmata are mussah (pearl), intan (diamond), kumalah (ruby) (Szanton 1973:47-51; Amilbangsa 1983:142-157).
An example of Tausug woodwork is the puhan (wooden handle) of bladed weapons which may be simple or decorated with gold or silver wires, strings, and rings. For the barong, the handle is wrapped in cord and metal at the far end, and carved and polished at the upper part. At the end of the grip is a protrusion carved with ukkil designs. The handle of the kalis, which the Tausug terms as daganan kalis, can also be profusely decorated, sometimes with mother-of-pearl. Taguban (scabbards) are beautifully carved and are covered with budbud (fine rattan). Other woodworks include kitchen utensils and furniture items like beds, chests, and wardrobes (Szanton 1973:51-54).
There are two types of tapestries that the Tausug use to hang as house decoration: the luhul or canopy that hangs from the ceiling, and the kikitil/buras or wall tapestry. The ukkil design used for both is first traced on a starched white cloth which is then cut and sewn over a red, green, yellow, or blue background material. The ukkil design of the luhul, for example, is in the form of a tree with spreading leaves, vines, flowers, and branches. About 1 m wide, the kikitil is a smaller version of the luhul and is hung on the wall. The size of the room determines the length of the kikitil which is divided into various units correspond-ing to individualized panels. The ukkil design may be similar in all units.
Embroidery, another Tausug visual art form, is used to ornament table cloth, pillow cases, bed spreads, and the habul tiyahian (embroidered tube). The brightest silk thread is often used for the habul to underscore the design, which follows the ukkil pattern.
Used as bedding or underbedding, baluy or mats are usually made from pandanus. Double layering pro-vides decoration and color; a simple base mat is sewn under a colored panel which has been dyed with one or more colors. The designs the Tausug usually adopt are the geometric patterns found on the pis siabit (male headgear) or the plaid known as baluy palang. Mat designs are memorized and passed on to the next generation.
The Tausug male hat is made by weaving nito with bamboo strips over nipa leaves. Thus it is three-layered and woven in a sawali pattern. Structure and form are provided by the nipa leaves and the light bamboo frame, while texture and feel are supplied by the nito strips. The open-weave layer assures ventila-tion inside. Another example of Tausug basketry is the small nito container, 18-20 cm in diameter, used either as a coin or as a personal basket. If used as a personal basket, it comes with cover and handle. As a coin basket, it is supplied with a loop to allow it to be carried on a finger. A slit serves as the coin slot. Aniline dyes-magenta, blue, violet, and green-color the nito strips (Lane 1986:193-194).
Hablun or textile weaving is another well-known art form among the Tausug. The most popular woven material is the pis siabit or male headgear, which is about 1 sqm in size and distinct for its geometric de-signs. Because of its intricacy, one pis takes about three to four weeks of work. Only women weave the pis and other materials such as the kambut (sash) and kandit (loincloth and sash), which unfortunately have completely disappeared (Szanton 1973:6.4-65).
The female biyatawi is a blouse made of plain material like satin and is ornamented with tambuku (gold or silver buttons) on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. It is usually worn with sawwal (loose trousers) of silk or brocade. A habul tiyahian is either slung across the shoulder or allowed to hang on one arm (Amilbangsa 1983:76-113).
The patadjung is an all-purpose skirt worn by both men and women. It has various other uses: as a turung or headcover, sash or waistband, blanket, ham-mock, and others. Resembling a big pillow case, the cloth for a patadjung has designs which are variously inspired: batik prints from Indonesia and Malaysia, checks and stripes from India, dunggala or stylized geometrical and floral patterns from Sarawak, Indone-sia, or Malaysia, calligraphic motifs from the Middle East (Amilbangsa 1983:82).
Tausug men wear the sawwal kuput or sawwal kantiyu (tight and loose trousers respectively), and match this with the badju lapi, a collarless short-tailored jacket similar to the biyatawi. The sleeves of the badju lapi are either long or "three-fourth's" with slits at the wrists. The badju lapi is likewise ornamented with tambuku on the breast, shoulders, and cuffs. The legs of the sawwal kaput are skin-tight down to the ankles, and have 22.5 cm slits on each side, which are also decorated with buttons. A kandit (handwoven or embroidered sash) tied around the waist serves to keep the sawwal kuput in place. A pis siabit is either tied around the head or left to hang on the shoulder (Amilbangsa 1983:114-130).
Function and simplicity define Tausug pottery. Decorations are limited to simple geometric lines as the emphasis has always been on the quantity not quality of the product. Examples include pots, vases, jugs, and various pieces of kitchenware (Szanton 1973: 61-63).
Tutup or plate covers are made by Tausug men and women; smaller pieces are called turung dulang riki-riki, and are used as wall adornment. Tutup mea-sure about 75 cm in diameter and are made of coconut leaves inside, and silal or buri leaves outside. Colored pandan leaves are sewn on the exterior and serve as decoration (Szanton 1973:64).
Calligraphy is found printed or carved on doors and gates, as well as on tapestries. Musical instruments, especially the gabbang (native xylophone), are also decorated by the Tausug (Szanton 1973:65).